The Lump of Liberalism Fallacy

by Will Wilkinson on March 2, 2009

That’s what I’m going to call the error I sense lurking beneath a lot of resistance to moderate libertarianism. The fallacy is based on an implicit denial of the fluidity of ideology and political identity. The bounds of “right” and “left” have shifted immensely over the past two generations. Yet political conversation at any time tends to proceed as if the ideological inclinations and cultural assumptions of the “left” and “right” are natural, essential, and fixed. So, just to pick an example out of the air, the argument that the considerable intellectual, cultural, and psychological overlap between moderate classical liberals and market-friendly modern liberals ought to be given more coherence as a political philosophy and political identity is invariably met with the claim that this is compltely pointless because these groups have traditionally been part of different partisan coalitions, and these coalitions are essentially this or that way. So in order to make something liberaltarianism a going concern, you’ve basically got to find enough libertarians and natural Democrats both willing to sell out everything they believe in and good luck with that. It’s basically the same reasoning that says it is impossible to introduce to market a successful new brand of cereal because all the preexisting cereals brands already have 100 percent of the market share. But there’s something pretty obviously wrong with that way of thinking. I’m a big fan of Kashi U

Meanwhile, see Matt Welch’s puzzling piece on “The Liberaltarian Jackelope.” Matt’s argument seems to be that he’s totally a liberaltarian, that it once looked as though some Western Democrats might make some electoral headway by taking on a bit more libertarian flavor, and this excited him. But it turned out that Democrats aren’t even interested in following the Republicans in using fake libertarian rhetoric for political gain. So liberaltarianism is doomed.

  • Vangel
    Because real libertarians are unlikely to compromise on principle they will always be in opposition. When the left is in power, the libertarians will agree with the left about the need for the state to respect social liberty but will side with the right and argue for individual liberty and free market (but not corporatism.) When the right is in power, libertarians will agree about the need for lower taxes and with the need for the state to respect property rights and economic liberty but will side with the left and argue for social liberty.

    The facts should be clear to any objective observers; libertarians oppose statism and recognize that the left and right are the opposite side of the same anti-liberty coin. As such they are destined to be in opposition and to fight for less government involvement no matter which of the two statist parties is in power.
  • travis
    Will, I thought that in your diavlog Jonah asked a good question about whether your political position would be occupied by moderate Republicanism such as Christine Whitman (see http://www.republican-leadership.com). I am wondering where your positions would differ from such a group and whether there are enough differences to justify forming an entirely new party/movement around those differences.
  • Steve Knott
    Does anyone else remember a WaPo sunday special ... 8 years or so ago ... that talked about the constituant parties within the Dems and Republicans? I think there were 5 Dem and 4 Rep I think .... and both parties had a 'libertarian' wedge .... there are lot of people who say "I don't like the Democrats trying to take my money AND I don't like the Republicans trying to take my rights ... I want them BOTH" and who then vote for the group who has pissed them off the least ... or the least recently ... I think that was true then and is still true ... and that's why the 'liberaltarian' project needs to be done ... and why it has a chance for success.
  • If you think that the role of government is to "do good", then the role of government is unlimited, since there is always more "good" to do. And one can feel terribly, terribly, virtuous by advocating that government go out and do all that good.

    If you think the capacity of government to do such good is limited, then that really gets in the way of the virtuous ego-trip. (Which is why Brian Moore's liberal friends are generally not interested in serious economic discussions: it gets in the way.)

    Will, you are trying to get American liberals (i.e. politically cross-dressing social democrats) to give up easy virtue. An effortless virtue they have built into their sense of identity. Good luck with that.
  • rodriges
    Spanische Banken
    von Raivo Pommer-raimo1@hot.ee

    Die Erste Bank hat überraschend einen neuen Großaktionär aus Spanien bekommen. Die größte spanische Sparkasse, Criteria CaixaCorp, teilte am Montag bei einer Pressekonferenz in Barcelona mit, dass sie über die Börse 4,9 Prozent der Erste-Aktien erworben hat. Die Zukäufe seien schon im Vorjahr erfolgt, sagte Criteria-Chef Ricardo Forensa. Den Kaufpreis bezifferte der Banker mit 628 Mio. Euro.

    Die Spanier dürften damit durchschnittlich zwischen 35 und 40 Euro pro Aktie hingelegt haben. Inzwischen ist der Kurs der Erste Bank an der Börse eingebrochen. Am Montagnachmittag kostete das Papier 7,46 Euro
  • jr
    traditional coalitions aside, it's possible that you've given your target demographic too much consideration?

    what i mean is this: yes, there are plenty of young liberals who are not radical socialists and who are not ideologically wed to 50s and 60s era statism, but how amenable are they to the idea that do-gooder-ism may actually do more harm than good? the crux of your projects rests heavily on the assumption that many young liberals are really concerned with the same issues of justice that you are, but what if they aren't? what if their do-gooding operates more as a signal than as a real dedication to issues and ideas. the really sad thing about the last half-century of liberalism is the utter lack of concern over how ruinous poorly designed government interventions turned out; it was enough that liberals had the right intentions and that they were engaged in the struggle.

    one of the things about libertarians is that we tend to want to be right, even if being right makes us terribly unpopular. hell, many of us are straight contrarian by nature. i think you may be drastically underestimating the herd mentality at work in contemporary liberalism, especially among the young. this doesn't render the project impossible, but it means that it probably can't be accomplished through ideas alone. it's going to take a cohesive political movement to which these people can cleave, and probably one that has demonstrated success.
  • JB
    My general take is that many liberals don't actually care, but boy do they like to say they care. They get off on thinking they care and telling everyone how much they care.

    A giant case in point is the amount of time and energy they spend on sites like DailyKos, the comments section of the WaPo, and a million other places. If they took 1/10th that time and dedicated their time or services to helping some of the people they supposedly 'care' about, then they might have an impact. But instead they can just continue to whine about how the awesome super-duper government should fix everything because they say so.
  • Sigivald
    I’m a big fan of Kashi U.

    Hippie.
  • I admit that I would desperately like liberaltarianism to work, and I definitely agree on the silliness of traditional "left" and "right." But I kinda in the same boat as Welch. I consider myself socially liberal. I hang out with tons of social/economic liberals. We happily agree on many things, but absolutely none of them are interested in any debate about economics. And the recent crisis has even solidified that viewpoint. I'll continue to cheer for liberals when they manage to do things I agree with, but they have absolutely no interest in giving any ground on economic matters. Any of them who would has already self-identified as a libertarian.

    If you want, what would go a long way to convincing skeptics would be if you could link a few dozen self-described liberals saying some libertarian type things as a matter of principle. And some people saying "yeah, wow, I hadn't thought of it that way." Even when I see Krugman defending free trade people jump on him for it. When I see DeLong say something like that, he gets jumped on. When Yglesias admits some program doesn't work, people slam him.
  • Let me ask you how you became a "libertarian" in the first place? Because it seemed like a good idea, strategically? Have I given the impression that I'm aiming to persuade Yglesias and his readers? I can totally grasp intellectual, ideological resistance (e.g., "Murray Rothbard was right about everything!"), but I'm really struggling to parse resistance to the idea that there might be lots of people who are socially liberal, like markets, but think "tax is theft" libertarianism is for crazy people.
  • John Thacker
    "I'm really struggling to parse resistance to the idea that there might be lots of people who are socially liberal, like markets, but think "tax is theft" libertarianism is for crazy people."

    I'm really struggling to parse resistance to the idea that the lots of people who claim to be "socially liberal, like markets, but think "tax is theft" libertarianism is for crazy people" wouldn't be the kind of people who claim to "like markets," but can't name a single case where they'd like more markets or less regulation-- with the possible exception of regulations abolished in the late 70s or early 80s, like on trucking or airlines or long distance, that they don't want to bring back, or in a few cases where people don't want to regulate their own industry but want to regulate everything else. Not that that isn't true with social issues as well. There's always some reason or excuse to intervene more.

    For example, see Virginia Postrel's comments on liberals, libertarians, and the CPSIA.

    But finding liberals who oppose any new regulation is almost impossible--no matter what the perverse consequences. My particular bugaboo is housing. But the CPSIA is another good example.


    Libertarians always boast of surveys that show large numbers of people who describe themselves as "socially liberal, fiscally conservative" or whatever. They ignore that the exceptions fill a room and make the description meaningless in most case.
  • "I'm really struggling to parse resistance to the idea that there might be lots of people who are socially liberal, like markets, but think "tax is theft" libertarianism is for crazy people."

    I don't think its resistance, I just simply don't know people who fit into that category. And I know my own experiences aren't sufficient, so I look around for people in government, in the media, or on the internet who might fit it. And I don't really find many.

    I think you can find many liberals who are fine with markets when they feel things are working well, and will answer surveys to that effect, but really don't support anything that actually supports that viewpoint. Sure, these are just my own experiences. And I truly do apologize if I've missed the data that you've presented about people who hold socially liberal, pro-market beliefs, but who do not already identify as libertarians.
  • Paul G. Brown
    Err... Will?

    '... struggling to parse resistance to the idea that there might be lots of people who are socially liberal, like markets, but think "tax is theft" libertarianism is for crazy people."

    That right there? That's a thumbnail sketch of a neo-liberal.
  • John Thacker
    I don't think his piece is that puzzling. His argument is that if you grant, as he does, that the Republicans moved in an anti-libertarian nature around 2004-2008, then there would seem to be an opportunity for a realignment as you posit. He too was hoping for some kind of realignment, and he was excited that it seemed like the Republicans' anti-libertarians moves were being met with a re-alignment of parties and philosophical positions. If Republicans became more anti-liberal, but the Democrats became more philosophically libertarian, he would have a party he could support-- and the amount of libertarianism in the country would be conserved.

    However, there seems to have been no such realignment. It's not that "it turned out that Democrats aren’t even interested in following the Republicans in using fake libertarian rhetoric for political gain." It's that it turned out that the Republicans could become less libertarian without the Democrats becoming more libertarian at all. All that happened was that the country's parties became less libertarian, on net.

    If you favor a re-alignment, then you could, in the sense of a Communist cheering on initial fascist victories, cheer on the initial Republican moves away from libertarianism as a necessary precursor towards re-alignment. The Republicans attract certain voters from Democrats, the Democrats attract libertarians, and left-libertarian liberaltarians finally have a party that not only supports their policies economically but is nice to be around at cocktail parties.

    But what if the Republicans' moves were merely liberatarianism becoming less powerful and more impotent? What if it was just a symbol that any party in power discards ideas of limited government? Matt's depression is understandable.
  • I argued elsewhere that "left" and "right" really just identify coalitions which we may refer to in parliamentary terms as Government and Opposition (with the mapping changing according to electoral prospects). In a first past the post system, it is only natural for the range to be limited to a duopoly. Politics is not a market not cereal markets.

    Dan Klein has criticized Krugman for not following his ideas in being a sufficiently vociferous advocate of inequality-reducing freedom. Scott Sumner had criticized him and other economists for not following standard macro theory in recognizing the possibilities of monetary stimulus. These would be cutting critiques if ideas mattered, but they don't. Even Will admits that part of the reason for his "liberaltarian" project is that he simply identifies with liberals on a gut level. Unfortunately for him, the feeling is not mutual.
  • "Politics is not a market not cereal markets."

    But the market for ideological identity is not so dissimilar. If it's all just Government and Opposition, why are there libertarians, greens, socialists, etc. at all?
  • Within the Government and Opposition coalitions there are wings. Socialists/greens (there's quite a lot of overlap) are aptly seen as to the left of the center-left, and they don't generally dispute that characterization. To many on the left (and a number of those on the right) libertarians are the equivalent on the right of the center-right. That is how I conceived of myself before I knew there was such a thing as libertarianism. Most people are not libertarians or greens/socialists, these people are all weirdos. The fact that a number of libertarians conceive of themselves as some combination of left & right makes them extra weird (because we don't see that happening as much on the left). As Jonah Goldberg pointed out, some of those people might have identified with moderate "Rockefeller" Republicans in the past, others may identify more with the John Birch Society (speaking of which, you should explain why you want them to be mocked out of existence considering how libertarian they were relative to more moderate right-wingers). I've complained a number of times in the past about a one-dimensional conception of politics (back when I thought ideas mattered) because I didn't find myself fitting in but I eventually accepted the fact that a single dimension is extremely useful in describing the political ideologies of most people (even on seemingly unrelated issues) and that I don't matter.

    If our politics were heavily involved in soda, I'd expect there to be much less diversity and more clumping around Coke vs Pepsi. You might like it if politics were just intellectual debate with no other ramifications (as someone who once hosted a mirror of the Against Politics site, I'd sympathize) but it isn't. Intellectuals will largely be engaged in rationalization for positions they didn't reason their way into in the first place. Rawls' arguments for baseball being the greatest sport and the New Deal as justice come to mind.
  • I think you'd have better luck selling steak tartar to vegans.
  • You've got the fallacy DOWN! Good for you.
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