If You’re Not Outraged, You’ve Internalized a System-Justifying Ideology

by Will Wilkinson on January 31, 2009

“I just don’t believe this,” is as close as Hedgemaster General Tyler Cowen ever gets to “this is total bullshit.” Well, that’s his response to Jamie Napier and John Jost’s argument [pdf] that conservatives report higher levels of happiness than do liberals largely because of their failure to be pained by high levels of economic inequality. Well, I just don’t believe it either, and neither does the University of Virginia’s Jonathan Haidt, who took apart Napier and Jost’s argument at an AEI panel on happiness last spring. Here’s the video. Jump ahead to about the 35:00 minute mark to catch Haidt’s ten-minute takedown.  

The thrust of Haidt’s critique is that Jost and Napier attribute conservatives’ edge in happiness to their ability to” rationalize away inequality.” So how do they measure that? By looking at responses to a single item in World Values Survey thought to track attitudes toward meritocracy.  The respondant is asked to identify where he or she stands on a ten point scale that runs from ”Hard work generally doesn’t bring success–it’s more a matter of luck” to “In the long run, hard work usually brings a better life.” Conservatism is of course strongly correlated with an answer toward the “hard work pays” end of the scale. But, as Haidt puts it in his talk:

This isn’t some weird belief that shows that you’re explaining away inequality. This is the basic ideological fact — or rather, the basic ideological difference.  It’s not legitimate to take a core aspect of conservative belief and say that it’s not really what it seems, but is really an unconscious mechanism to deal with something uncomfortable.

It would be legitimate were that the best explanation. But Napier and Jost’s story is really hard to credit, both for reasons Tyler mentions and for deeper methodological reasons. For one, it’s not clear what the “meritocracy” question has to do with inequality. If one wants to see a meritocratic bent as a common cause of conservative leanings and higher happiness, here’s a less tendentious explanation. (1) Those with a greater sense of the efficacy of their behavior — with a greater sense of being in control — will tend to (a) think hard work brings a better life, (b) be happier, (c) see policies that seem to penalize hard work as unjust. (2) People likely to see high taxes as an unjust penalty on hard work tend to identify as “conservative.”

So here you’ve got a way of getting from a meritocratic attitude both to happiness and conservatism without bringing in anything to do with inequality. This is conjecture, of course, but I think it suggests that Napier and Jost’s conclusion has all the benefit of theft over honest toil. How did they get from a question apparently about whether work pays to the ability to reconcile one’s sense of justice with abstract macroeconomic variables? The fact that they evidently find it intuitive, rather than bizarre, that the state affairs captured by a nation-level Gini coefficient would have “negative hedonic effects” pretty much gives away the game. It makes exactly as much sense as thinking that certain people must have found some way to harden their consciences against the otherwise intolerable pain of high levels of government spending as a percentage of GDP. Huh? 

Anyway, doesn’t the WVS meritocracy question seems ill-formed to you? What’s the point of opposing “success” and “a better life.” If one interprets “success” in terms of social comparison and “a better life” in terms of self-comparison over time, then there’s no problem in agreeing strongly with both ends of the alleged opposition.

I strongly agree that success, understood as a significant upward move on a valued status dimension, is largely a matter of luck. But I also strongly agree that hard work (in a society with decent institutions) usually brings a better life. It’s possible to work hard and achieve a better life without ever winning anything you’d count as success. So I haven’t a clue how I’d answer this question. Do I believe in meritocracy or not?Maybe my agreement with both statements would sort of average out and push me toward the middle?Or maybe I decide that it’s pointlessly self-defeating to see fortune as overriding agency, even if deep-down I suspect it does (I probably won’t write the Great American Novel, but I definitely won’t if I admit that to myself), and so I’ll just go ahead and agree whole hog with the “work pays” side. Maybe optimistic self-deception, which is good for self-reported happiness, predicts pro-agency answers on the meritocracy question. What does that have to do with inequality?  

Look at it from another angle. Suppose you do know how you’d answer it. You incline heavily toward the “meritocratic” end of the (bunk) spectrum due to your firm faith in the power of hard work and your sense that it is pointlessly demoralizing to think success a hostage to fate. It remains possible to understand that (a) people start in radically different positions due to fortune, (b) hard work doesn’t usually improve each person’s life equally (indeed, people starting with disadvantages may have to work very hard to move up only a little), and therefore (c) inequality can rise even if every hardworking person manages to thereby bring him or herself a better life. In this case, your “meritocratic” belief hasn’t done anything to help you “rationalize away” inequality. You can strongly believe that effort usually pays without thinking that differences in pay reflect differences in effort. In fact, you ought to believe this.    

My guess is that Napier and Jost are not very interested in psychology and so have simply assumed that a preference for explaining lives in terms of agency rather than fortune is pretty much the same thing as thinking people deserve whatever they get.

  • I didn't find "rationalizing away inequality" to be particularly disturbing. I could designate someone as "rationalizing away libertarianism" if they fail to be moved by my arguments, and I don't think it necessarily suggests that they secretly harbor an animus toward classical liberalism. People "rationalize away" many things when they form opinions.
  • Why do you assume that "success" is a reference to (relative) status? I agree that's one possible interpretation -- which could be a problem for interpreting the survey. But is it the most natural interpretation? When I read the question, I took "success" and "better life" to mean approximately the same thing, and so the spectrum made perfect sense to me (I would have answered with a 7).
  • Mari Dupont
    I wish the survey had defined "hard work" and "success". Then it would be easier for conservatives to make their case. I personally believe that anyone in the U.S. with a high school education and normal intelligence who aspires to be middle class can do it, but I suspect the Jost/Napier people wouldn't define success that way (success = a million dollar net worth). And what's "hard work" ? Being really good at your paying job? Yes, that's hard, but I see a lot of people stuck at a certain level because they don't "work hard" at saving money, or "work hard" at schmoozing influential people or "work hard" at recognizing opportunities. Out here in Los Angeles, I DO see a lot of women "work hard" at looking really hot, which seems to be the quickest way out of poverty and into the upper middle class. But I'm not sure if Messieurs Jost and Napier would define it that way...
  • A right-wing hack could make an argument that mirrors this one exactly: liberals would be much less happier if they weren't rationalizing away the horror of homosexuality, abortion, , Monica Lewinsky, Barbara Streisand, etc.
  • dieter
    My guess is that Napier and Jost are not very interested in psychology and so have simply assumed that a preference for explaining lives in terms of agency rather than fortune is pretty much the same thing as thinking people deserve whatever they get.

    Most participants in these studies are not very interested in psychology, economics or moral philosophy either. So it is not an unreasonable assumption after all, whether Napier and Jost are aware of it, or not. Further studies could tease out the difference.

    I believe you are creating a false dichotomy between "agency" and "fortune" as well. It seems like you are assuming an underlying meritocracy, which is disturbed by a randomness factor called "fortune". Liberals assume this factor to be high. Conservatives would give low estimates.

    I reject both views. If someone like Joe the Plumber could net 250.000$ through hard work, everybody and his brother would go into the plumbing business and soon enough, Joe would be back at earning a median income. This is basic supply and demand and it is a sign that markets work. If markets would work perfectly, we would have almost perfect income equality. (High incomes for some professions are a result of regulation or the principal agent problem.)

    Economic success depends on how many are doing the same thing as you do and how many actually care about your work. This factor trumps both, hard work and fortune, in terms of magnitude.

    This applies btw. to other status dimensions as well, such as blogging or music, e.g.

    Supply and demand isn't news to anyone on this blog. It just seems to me that even those who know about this, quickly switch back to some intuitive merit + fortune model when it comes to real world issues involving labor or services. Paying someone for having made a chair is seen as different from paying someone for a chair that he has made.
  • Cdn Expat
    Your hypothesis seems to me to depend on the assumption of homogenous labor. Only in that case are all rents dissipated through market entry. But that assumes away the whole idea of agency in the first place: there are well-run plumbing businesses that employ talented plumbers who make very good money regardless of the competition. It isn't luck that makes such businesses inframarginal; it's hard work and adaptation to the market.
  • dieter
    Um, no. I know about the limitations of this simplistic model. But rents, ability, luck and connections account only for local income distribution within a line of business (plumbing in this case). It doesn't account for the big picture.
    With regard to Joe the Plumber, I am merely saying that enough people could do, what he could do.

    The german supermarket discount chain Aldi pays the most for their employees. But working there is tough and the speed of employees at the cash register is precisely measured. Those who don't meet the requirements are fired. So, yes, hard working employees can improve their lot buy working for Aldi, rather than some other company.

    But I don't believe that this is what people consider to be "success". Success is about going from rags to riches.

    I am not trying to argue about formalized economics. I am trying to address the intuitive economic model that most people seem to have in their mind and that even those who understand economics frequently fall back to.
  • I am a measured centrist (polticalcompass), who has engaged conservatives on a variety of issues (probably because as an ex-conservative, or someone who for a long time maintained a conservative self-identity, I'm more sensitive to that wing of thought).

    On things like privatizing social security, or the environment, conservatives have given me a "beyond my door, not my problem" answer many times. Sure I say, you and I might be ok managing our own retirement, but do you really want to step over the homeless on the way to the market? "They should take care of themselves."

    Why shouldn't a lack of compassion, and a belief in uncomplicated absolutes contribute to their personal happiness? (So much is literally not their problem.)
  • John Thacker
    The problem, odograph, with your generalization is that self-described conservatives give significantly more to charity (in the statistical sense) than self-described liberals, both with and without adjusting for income. Arthur Brooks's book on this is recently famous, but this is a well-known result.

    OTOH, libertarians gives less to charity, and the difference between conservatives and liberals almost entirely (or does entirely) vanish if you control for religious belief. Religious liberals give as much to charity as religious conservatives, but a greater fraction of liberals are atheists or agnostics. (Religious conservative giving is not all church donations, either; religious conservatives donate more to secular causes than atheist conservatives as well, and of course some portion of religious donations are aid to the poor as well.)
  • You're right John, I did leave out (forget) the charitable giving angle. It's weirder than that though, because in my experience liberals discourage contributions to many of their causes, they are more interested in getting you out to take part.
  • kevin
    In my clinical psych classes, we always learned that "external locus of control" is strongly (positively) correlated with depression. In other words, people who believe they are not in control of their own lives are much more likely to suffer depression. Of course, the left-wing generally sees things in terms of the broader community/society instead of as a result of individual actions. I read on Rasmussen Reports that one of the biggest predictors of political affiliation is whether you generally see America as generally fair and decent. People who think America is fair and decent are much more likely to vote Republican.

    Interestingly, the same psych text that talks about internal locus of control as being a good thing notes a relationship between "attributional style" (whether one interprets events as being caused by the extenuating circumstances or the person in question) and conservative/right-wing ideas. The text (and my left-wing teacher) were very critical of conservatives for blaming the individuals instead of the circumstances.
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