Is the Pundit’s Fallacy a Fallacy?

by Will Wilkinson on February 22, 2005

Since Matt accused me of committing the pundit’s fallacy(and although I claimed in his comments that I didn’t, I sort of did,) I got to wondering what makes it a fallacy, exactly. The pundit’s fallacy putatively occurs when a pundit sets forth his own preferences as the solution to some kind of strategic political problem. So if Kerry is trying to become president, and I want federal money to save the narwals, I’d argue: “Kerry has thus far failed to recognize the vast but quiet pro-narwal constituency. A firm commitment to use federal resources to save the narwals could be the difference between victory and defeat on election day. Blah. Blah. Narwals.”

Clearly, this is ridiculous. But this kind of thing is a fallacy only if one misconstrues the intended illocutionary force of the pundit’s punditry. If the point of the pundit’s utterances are merely assertive, well, then the conditions of satisfaction are correspondence truth. If there is no vast narwal constituency, and it could not tip the election, then our pundit’s speech act goes unsatisfied. However, the illocutionary point of acts of punditry are very often directive, trying to get somebody to do something, so that the state of the world changes, rather than simply report on the state of the world. The pundit is trying to get enough people to believe that there is a narwal constituency so that (1) the Kerry people feel enough pressure to make promises about doing something about narwals, and/or (2) more people join the constituency, on the belief that many people are already on board, in order to increase the likelihood of (1).

Now, the narwal cause might be dead in the water (not sorry!), but it seems likely to me that this kind of thing often works. You can create a consensus by claiming a consensus, or by claiming the uniquely effective means to a widely shared end. If you can get enough people to share your preferences, then your preferences come to have actual political heft, and one way to get people to share your preferences is by persuading them that satisfying your preference would satisfy some other preference that they already have.

I have no doubt that acts of punditry with this kind of illocutionary point can and do meet their conditions of satisfaction. We are not surprised to learn that “It’s a little drafty in here,” can be intended to communicate a request to close the window rather than comment on the draft conditions in the room. We should not be surprised to learn that a claim of strategic necessity for one’s own preferences can be used to alter other people’s commitment to one’s preferences rather than make a comment on what’s really stategically necessary for what. So there is no good reason to think of this as a generally fallacious form of utterance. If a pundit out of myopic enthusiam asserts that their pet idea REALLY WILL make all the difference, that’s one thing. But if the pundit is trying to recruit allegiance to their pet idea by, in effect, asking people to imagine how their pet idea COULD make a difference, to try it on, to consider it, then it’s all good.

  • Shorter WW: if you don't care about truth then there are no fallacies.

    (And if you want to use the hot new term of art, not caring about the truth is bullshitting, rather than lying.)

    If you really want to turn this into a philosophy-of-language, satisfaction-condition game, I think that Matt can beat you on that turf, too. He isn't wrong to point out instances of the pundit's fallacy, because giving a speech act that label is an excellent way to counteract it by undermining the speaker's credibility. The immediate purpose of calling someone on the pundit's fallacy is to make everyone think "I can't trust his claim that this'll make our candidate more electable, because he's just trying to rally everyone to his pet cause." (The long-term purpose, generally, is to encourage people to figure out how to actually make your candidate more electable.)
  • thanks, my undergrad philosophy education, didn't quite get into that. While it of course covered that commands were neither true nor false, it didn't get into "satisfaction conditions."
  • Gareth
    What are the satisfaction conditions of the phrase "There is no Social Security Trust Fund"?
  • Will Wilkinson
    Washerdreyer,

    The general term for the success of a speech act is "satisfaction conditions" or sometimes "felicity conditions." The satisfaction conditions of a speech act depend on the intention of the speaker. Truth is the satisfaction condition of a descriptive utterance. If I issue a straightforward directive, such as "Close the door," the satisfaction conditions are met if whomever I was addressing closes the door. Similarly if I say, "It's drafty in here" and it's really not, but if the door gets closed, and that's what I wanted, then the satisfaction conditions are met. If the intention behind my op-ed, say, is to rally more people to my position by stating something that is false, then falsehood of my statement is irrelevant to the satisfaction conditions. What matters is if my intention is met.
  • I asked a couple days ago about a method of evaluating these directive phrases. Is the answer that if the candidate or party takes your advice they're true, and otherwise they're false?
  • monkyboy
    I think network TV news began its decline when reporters started interviewing each other on the air.

    Blogs have already seemed to have reached this point. Two bloggers talking to each other via their blogs is...a sign their 15 minutes are almost up.
  • Chris
    I certainly see your overall point, but I don't think the philosophy-of-language stuff is doing any real work here. If a pundit claims that there is a narwhal constituency when he knows there isn't because he is "trying to get enough people to believe that there is a narwal constituency," then what he's doing is called "lying." The fact that he does it in service of his own goals doesn't change it from an "assertive" statement into a "directive" one. It's still an assertion -- one that he hopes people will believe, despite its falsity, leading them to support his favored cause.
  • Will Wilkinson
    Thanks, Dave. I can always count on my fellow philosophy grad school drop outs!
  • I like the speech-act jargon -- it helps make your point, whether or not we take it completely seriously as a proper analysis of the natural-language phenomenon you're talking about.
  • Will Wilkinson
    Robert,

    Try this:
    illocutionary force

    Sorry for the philosophy of language lingo.
  • Robert Schwartz
  • Checking if I followed your argument:
    If I (hypothetically a major pundit) were to say, "Kerry would have won the election if he had announced that he would perform mass homosexual marriages in the White House once a week."
    And you retort, "According to my very intensive polling, not a single person who voted for Bush would have changed their mind due to such an announcement, 10% of the people who did vote for Kerry would have defected, all non-major party voters would have either stayed with the candidate they voted for or voted for Bush, and exactly three people who didn't vote at all would have voted for Kerry."
    I can truthfully reply, "Your retort is totally irrelevant to the truth conditions of my previous statement."
    Doesn't this make pundits totally irrefutable for any statement they make about what a candidate or party should do. If not, what events or facts would refute them?
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